Why Nigeria has failed to contain Boko Haram

The erstwhile general officer commanding the 7th Division of the Nigerian Army, Major General Ahmadu Mohammed, is a lucky man. Some two months ago, he was addressing his troops in Maiduguri, the capital of the northeastern state of Borno, when some disgruntled soldiers fired gunshots at him. But he narrowly escaped death as his aides shielded him and drove him out of danger.

This is one major indication that the morale of many soldiers fighting insurgency in Nigeria is low.

They have lost a number of their colleagues to terrorists. And they are not happy with some of their superiors who they feel are working against their interests.

The situation is as variegated and complex as Nigeria itself.

On one side of the coin is corruption. The United States under-secretary of state for civilian security, democracy and human rights, Sarah Sewall, said this much recently.

According to her, despite Nigeria's $5.8bn security budget this year, supplies as basic as bullets and transport vehicles do not reach the frontlines of the struggle against Boko Haram.

Besides, soldiers grumble, rightly or wrongly, that their leaders do not pay them their wages when they are due.

Some of them have also complained that some of the weapons given to them are obsolete. 

Even some of the weapons the terrorists use were reportedly stolen from the Nigerian military.

Some online media reported in May that nine generals and some other senior officers were under investigation for their alleged role in the sale of arms to Boko Haram.

Though the military has denied this, the suspicion is also strong that some soldiers allegedly collude with insurgents to coordinate terrorist attacks. 

The fear in some quarters is that the insurgents have some sympathisers in the barracks.

Even President Goodluck Jonathan once said Boko Haram had infiltrated his government. That is why some secret information on military movements is allegedly leaked to the insurgents.

And that is why the American officers, who came to help rescue the young schoolgirls abducted by Boko Haram since April 14, 2014, reportedly said they would not share intelligence information with their Nigerian counterparts.

Religious cum political sentiments may have also weakened the fighting spirit of some soldiers.

Jonathan, a Southern Christian, took over from Umaru Yar'Adua, a northern Muslim who died in office in 2010.

Many northern politicians claimed that the president agreed to run for only one term and hand over power to the north in 2015. Jonathan appears to not be ready for this. Hence, some people see Boko Haram as a tool to destabilise the incumbent government. 

For Nigeria to survive the terrorist onslaught and prevent a recurrence of the near mutiny in Maiduguri, there is need to overhaul the intelligence network of the security agencies.

The federal government must find a way to motivate the soldiers and summarily deal with every act of corruption in the military. 

In all, the need for Nigerians to unite and fight terrorism cannot be overemphasised.

Courtesy: Al Jazeera

Bosnia: Remembering the Srebrenica massacre - Features - Al Jazeera English

Bosnia: Remembering the Srebrenica massacre - Features - Al Jazeera English

Last week, more than 15,000 people attended the burial ceremony of 175 men and boys who were killed during the Srebrenica genocide, on July 11-13,1995.
The ceremonyat the Potocari memorial centre, down the road from the town of Srebrenica, marked the 19thanniversary of the genocide. Each year, bodies that have been newly found and identified from mass graves are laid to rest at the memorial site. So far, the remains of more than 6,000 people killed during the massacre have been buried in Potocari.
This year's commemorations came a few days before a verdictis expected on a lawsuit brought by survivors of the genocide, who are suing the Netherlands over the role of Dutch UN peacekeeping soldiers. They accuse the soldiers of failing to prevent the massacre, in which more than 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys were killed by Bosnian Serb forces after being offered protection in a UN "safe haven".
After a religious ceremonyat the Potocari memorial, the names of the dead were read out to the crowd, and relatives carried the 175 coffins to new grave plots within the memorial site. After the graves were dug, an imam read a prayer at each grave before the coffin was lowered.
Although Bosnian Muslim tradition states that close family members must bury the dead, in some cases only distant relatives of the victims survived the genocide. Brothers Amir and Asim Mujic, aged 20 and 24 when they were killed, were buriedon Friday by their distant cousin, 78-year-old Ismet Memic. "Their father and their third brother were killed, then their mother died of sadness," he explained.
As time passes, relatives whose family members are still missing or whose bodies have only been partly found have grown increasingly concernedthat their loved ones will not be buried in their lifetime.
Contested history
This year, more than 5,000 people participated in a three-day "peace march" from Nezuk to Srebrenica. It followedthe route taken by the thousands of Bosnian Muslims who fled Srebrenica in July 1995, thoughin the opposite direction.The annual peace march has grown in popularity in recent years, with organisers estimating that around 80 percent of this year's participants were under 30 years old.
Bosnians mark 19th anniversary of Srebrenica
Twenty-year-old Harun Merdzanic, who grew up partly in Sweden after his family left Bosnia in the 1990s, explained that the march and memorial are important "to remember what the genocide victims went through in 1995, to honour their memory".
But in Bosnia and Herzegovina, honouring the memory of those who died in the 1992-95 war is not easy. Since the war, schools have often been segregated on ethnic lines, teaching children three different, mutually exclusive narratives of what happened after the disintegration of Yugoslavia.
Many continue to contest what took place during the war. In Republika Srpska, the Serb-majority entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina where Srebrenica is situated, President Milorad Dodik has repeatedly deniedthat what happened in Srebrenica constituted genocide, despite the fact it has been established as such at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Court.
Merdzanicbelieves that the July 11 commemoration helps to counter denial of the massacre's genocidal nature. "Srebrenica needs to be preserved as a memory for humanity, like Auschwitz.

US foreign policy: Absurdity of double standards in Palestine - Opinion - Al Jazeera English

One could be forgiven for believing that the protection of civil liberties and fundamental freedoms, and the obligation upon a state to protect and adhere to those rights without prejudice, would be uniform. One could also be forgiven for believing that the treatment of a citizen on the right hand side of the road would be the same as that of the treatment of a citizen on the left hand side of the road. One could be forgiven for naively believing that all are equal before the law.
However, the way in which Israel treats its own nationals as compared to the way in which it treats Palestinians, comes as a stark reminder that there is no equality. It also comes as a stark reminder that without universal condemnation by the international community, and specifically the United States, this disparity in treatment will never change.
There will of course be those who do not accept that there is a double standard, or seek to justify that double standard on the basis that Israel is simply seeking to defend its borders, and its people. There are examples however, that cannot be justified.
Following the brutal murder of Mohammed Abu Khdeir, and the demonstrations that followed, the boy's cousin, Tariq Abu Khdeir, aged 15, was arrested by members of the Israeli Defence Force (IDF). During that arrest he was brutally beaten. Video evidence released would tend to demonstrate just how violently he was beaten during the arrest.
Regrettably, Tariq's arrest and treatment is not an isolated incident. What is unusual, however, is the course of events following his arrest.
Tariq is Palestinian-American. Having been arrested and brutally assaulted, he was locked in the police station for hours, without access to medical treatment or a lawyer. Tariq demanded that he be granted consular access and speak to a representative at the US Embassy. Upon doing so, and upon there being mention of the fact that he held a US passport, he was then taken to hospital for treatment. Photographs of his swollen and bruised face bear testimony to the manner in which he had been treated.
'Profoundly disturbed'
The US State Department was quoted as saying how it was "profoundly disturbed" by the video. Tariq was then released on bail, although he was required to pay for his release and is now under house arrest. Tariq's mother has vowed to bring criminal proceedings against the IDF officers.
The Israeli Justice Ministry has now confirmed that the government's legal adviser will investigate the video showing the assault.
It is telling, that upon learning that the young man was a citizen of the US, Israel's most staunch supporter, that the attitude towards him changed dramatically. It is this that is unusual. It is this that smacks of a double standard.
The double standard is apparent to both countries. Israel, upon realising that the young man was a US citizen, suddenly released him on bail, and that the US upon realising that the young man was one of its own, publicly condemned the treatment, and no doubt diplomatically sought his release.
How many times have we seen videos of children being detained, being beaten, and in recent cases, being shot dead by the Israeli security services, and yet there is no condemnation or "profound feelings" emanating from the US. How many times do others complain of the treatment of those arrested by the Israeli security services, and yet Israel does not change the way in which they are treated.

Forming new alliances

Forming new alliances
This is with reference to the report “Gaza bleeds, world sleeps” (July 13). It saddens me to see the helplessness of Gazans. I am surprised that many experts — even some Arabs as well — are blaming Hamas for the ongoing conflict. They should not blame Hamas or Gazans. Israel played the drama of the abduction and murder of three teenage settlers and put the entire blame on Palestinians. It is crystal clear that it was all scripted. Israel had been uneasy over the Palestinian reconciliation that resulted in the formation of a unity government. I would like to ask the skeptics that why would Hamas commit such a mistake? At the time of formation of unity government, it had pledged to shun armed tactics. Palestinians know very well that Israel is a militarily superior force and any wrong move could jeopardize the unity government.
The United Nations should pressure Israel to provide incriminating evidence against Hamas. Israel has launched this offensive without any reason. In today’s world it seems that might is always right. This is what happened in Iraq and Afghanistan. And the same thing is happening in Gaza. This is the disadvantage of a unipolar world. Had the US been not the sole superpower, things would have been entirely different. Washington has defended Israeli actions against Gaza. Israel wanted to avenge the deaths of three settlers and so far more than 100 Palestinians have been killed and the number of injured is much higher. Isn’t it time for the world powers to pressure Israel to stop this wholesale slaughter of innocent people?
I wish Muslim countries swing into action and start distancing themselves from the unreliable ally: the United States. They should try to support Russia and China and form a strategic alliance with Moscow and Beijing. A unipolar world is not in the interest of weaker nations. We should think on this issue.

On ‘operation’ table, can Pakistan let itself down?

On ‘operation’ table, can Pakistan let itself down?
The Italian historian, Niccolò Machiavelli spoke wise words when he said, “The Romans never allowed a trouble spot to remain simply to avoid going to war over it, because they knew that wars don’t just go away, they are only postponed to someone else’s advantage.”
Three weeks ago, Operation Zarb-e-Azb, a much-awaited military offensive against the TTP, Al-Qaeda and their allies began in Pakistan’s North Waziristan region, after all attempts to engage them in talks failed.
Despite a cease-fire, the militants continued with “business as usual,” launching brazen, ruthless attacks on both military and civilian targets, even as the talks were in progress. But it was an audacious, deadly (and embarrassing) attack by Tehreek-e-Taleban (TTP) and Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan on Karachi’s international airport last month that unified public opinion, and tipped the government to back the military insistence for a major offensive.
Success against the TTP and its allies will depend not just on whether the army is able to drive out the militants from North Waziristan, but also on how it will prevent future re-incursions, and ensure that fleeing militants do not regroup or find safe havens elsewhere in the country.
And then, there is more, for lets not be simplistic enough to believe that this operation will be enough to end this cycle of violence and rife — emanating from and striking in — Pakistan time and again.
What is required is a sound, anti-terrorism strategy that relies first and foremost on a national consensus among society. The people of Pakistan must acknowledge these terrorists as being a threat to Pakistan’s respect and standing in the international world, and more importantly, its own well being and very existence.
The government must spend more on the training of intelligence and security forces, as well as the local police. Improved coordination and cooperation between those who secure Pakistan’s borders and those posted on local checkpoints will mean they are better equipped to deal with those who disrupt the peace of the country — no matter where.
All key entry and exit points must be secured and important infrastructure protected. Attacks such as the one on Karachi’s international airport cannot be allowed. But perhaps the most important step — and this requires a strong will on our part, to educate ourselves first with the teachings of Islam — is to work toward dismantling the educational infrastructure that spews venom and hatred, preparing countless of young people to fight a battle that has little to do with Islam.
Religious seminaries form a vital part of Pakistan’s education system, but they cannot be allowed to be preparatory battleground for students who will eventually go out to fight somebody else’s war.
A revised curriculum in these seminaries that teaches them modern subjects alongside the true teachings of Islam can work wonders in providing a counter-narrative for Pakistani youth that is caught up in this standard education of militancy.
It would also do Pakistan good to rethink its foreign policy, which condones religious extremism as a suitable diplomatic tool.

The war Netanyahu cannot possibly win

When the bodies of three Israeli settlers — Aftali Frenkel and Gilad Shaar, both 16, and Eyal Yifrach, 19 — were found on June 30 near Hebron in the southern West Bank, Israel went into a state of mourning and a wave of sympathy flowed in from around the world. The three had disappeared 18 days earlier in circumstances that remain unclear.
The entire episode, particularly after its grim ending, seemed to traumatize Israelis into ignoring harsh truths about the settlers and the militarization of their society. Amid a portrayal of the three as hapless youths, although one was a 19-year-old soldier, commentators have failed to provide badly needed context to the events. Few, if any, assigned the blame where it was most deserved — on expansionist policies, which have sown hatred and bloodshed.
Before the discovery of the bodies, the real face of Netanyahu’s notoriously right-wing government was well known. Few held Illusions about how “peaceful” an occupation could be if run by figures such as Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, Economy Minister Naftali Bennett and Deputy Defense Minister Danny Danon. But because “children” — the term used by Netanyahu himself — were involved, even critics didn’t expect an exercise in political point scoring.
There was sympathy elicited for the missing settlers case, but it quickly vanished in the face of an Israeli response (in the West Bank, Jerusalem and later in a full-scale war on Gaza) largely seen in the crucible of world opinion as disproportionate and cruel. Rather than being related to the tragic death of three youths, this response obviously reflected Netanyahu’s grand political calculations.
As mobs of Israeli Jews went out on an ethnic lynching spree in Israel, Jerusalem and the West Bank that some likened to a “pogrom,” occupation soldiers conducted a massive arrest campaign of hundreds of Palestinians, mostly Hamas members and supporters.
The Islamic Resistance Movement Hamas said it had no role in the death of the settlers, and this appears plausible since they rarely hesitate to take credit for something carried out by their military wing. Israeli military strategists were well aware of that. This war on Hamas, however, has little to do with the killed settlers, and everything to do with the political circumstances that preceded their disappearance.
On May 15, two Palestinian youths, Nadim Siam Abu Nuwara, 17, and Mohammed Mahmoud Odeh Salameh, 16, were killed by Israeli soldiers while taking part in a protest commemorating the anniversary of the Nakba, or “Great Catastrophe.” Video footage shows that Nadim was innocently standing with a group of friends before collapsing, as he was hit by an Israeli Army bullet.
The Nakba took place 66 years ago when the so-called Arab-Israeli conflict emerged. An estimated one million Palestinians were forced out of their homes as they fled a Zionist invasion. Israel was established on the ruins of that Palestine.
Nadim and Mohammed, like the youths of several generations since, were killed in cold blood as they walked to remember that exodus. In Israel, there was no outrage. However, Palestinian anger, which seems to be in constant accumulation — being under military occupation and enduring harsh economic conditions — was reaching a tipping point.

Israeli strikes resume after brief Gaza calm - Middle East - Al Jazeera English

Gaza City-Israel has resumed air strikes on the Gaza Strip six hours after agreeing to an Egyptian proposal for a ceasefire that was not formally accepted by the Palestinian group Hamas.
Fresh air strikes were launched on Gaza at around 12:00GMT on Tuesday after Hamas fired nearly 76 rockets at Israel since 9am, the Israeli army said. "We have resumed our operation against Hamas," the army tweeted.
The Israeli cabinet approveda ceasefire proposal from Egypt on Tuesday morning, which would have put an end to the week-long conflict that has killed 192 Palestinians and injured almost 1,400 others in the Palestinian enclave.
At least 10 Israelis have been injured by rockets fired from Gaza, and no Israeli fatalities have been recorded.
Hamas official Mushir al-Massri told Al Jazeera that the group was never consulted in the formulation of the ceasefire and only learned about it from media reports.
He said that Hamas rejected the proposal "in style because no body consulted with us in formatting it, [and] in content because its articles are a free service to the [Israeli] occupation".
Meanwhile, Abu Ahmed, a spokesperson for the military wing of Palestinian Islamic Jihad, said that the group didn't "accept a calm for calm agreement".
RELATED: Ambulance workers brave Gaza dangers
Life had slowly been returning to a state of relative normalcy in the strip on Tuesday morning, with shops opening and more cars on the road, but many people remained suspicious that the violence would really end.
"We don't trust the enemy," said Maher Jarad, a taxi driver in Gaza City. "The Israelis are looking for a [way] to present their alleged victory to their public."
In remarks with the visiting German foreign minister, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu suggested that the agreement would be used to completely "disarm" the strip, a condition Hamas and other groups would not accept.
"The Egyptian proposal gives the opportunity to address the disarmament of [Gaza]... through political means," Netanyahu said. "But if Hamas will not accept the proposal for a ceasefire, as it appears right now, Israel will have international legitimacy to expand the military operation."
Hamas has demanded that Israel stop its aggression in Gaza, reduce restrictions on movement in and out of the territory, and release the dozens of Palestinian prisoners that were freed in a prisoner swap in 2011, but were subsequently rearrested.
RELATED: Israeli cabinet approves Egyptian truce plan
The two most hawkish members of the Israeli security cabinet, Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman and Economy Minister Naftali Bennett, voted against the ceasefire.
Politicians on the centre-left supported it, though Isaac Herzog, the head of the opposition, warned that it would be "worthless and just another break before the next escalation" if it did not lead to meaningful negotiations with the Palestinians.
Israel can let the Egyptian proposal and mediation continue, and at the same time escalate, including a possible ground operation in Gaza.
- Shlomo Brom, retired Israeli general
Danny Ayalon, a former deputy foreign minister, said that "the [Israeli army] will have to enter Gaza" if the ceasefire is not agreed by tonight, implying a possible ground operation.

Uproar over Indian journalist meeting Hafiz Sayed

http://tribune.com.pk/story/735591/meeting-between-hafiz-saeed-indian-journalist-causes-uproar/
KARACHI: A meeting between an Indian journalist and Jamaatud Dawa (JuD) chief Hafiz Saeed caused uproar in the Indian Parliament on Monday, according to the Hindustan Times.
Although the Indian government distanced itself from the meeting, the Congress party sought an explanation from the treasury benches over the reported meeting, leading to two adjournments during question hour.
According to reports, Ved Pratap Vaidik, a freelance journalist who is also a close aide of Yoga guru Ramdev, met Saeed in Lahore on July 2 during a visit to Pakistan along other journalists and politicians invited by a peace research institute.
, : http://t.co /xa3t2vmD6H pic.twitter.com/HLh363 Vlpo
— Ved Pratap Vaidik (@DrVaidik) July 14, 2014
Though the government clarified that it had nothing to do with the meeting, Congress members sought a detailed statement on the purpose and motive behind the meeting with Saeed, accused by India as the mastermind of the November 2006 Mumbai attacks.
Members of the opposition called for the journalist to be arrested and said it was a matter of national interest.
During Monday’s session at the Lok Sabha, General Secretary of Congress Digvijaya Singh asked leader of the house and finance minister Arun Jaitley if the meeting had the government’s sanction.
Jaitley responded saying that for India, Hafiz is a terrorist and that the government had nothing to do with “directly, indirectly or even remotely” with any journalist meeting Saeed, the Hindustan Times reported.
Meanwhile, the journalist, Vaidik, said he met Saeed as a journalist for an hour on July 2 in Lahore, during which the JuD chief told him that Narendra was “dangerous and now he has become the prime minister.”

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